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The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China and the West, by Toby E. Huff
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Toby Huff examines the long-standing question of why modern science arose only in the West and not in the civilizations of Islam and China, despite the fact that medieval Islam and China were more scientifically advanced. Huff explores the cultural contexts within which science was practiced in Islam, China, and the West. He finds major clues in the history of law and the European cultural revolution of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as to why the ethos of science arose in the West and permitted the breakthrough to modern science that did not occur elsewhere. First Edition Hb (1993): 0-521-43496-3 First Edition Pb (1995): 0-521-49833-3
- Sales Rank: #669730 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 2003-08-18
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .98" w x 5.98" l, 1.32 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 448 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"...Huff provides a thorough, coherent hypothesis and thus helps sharpen the debates on the rise of modern science." MESA Bulletin
Most helpful customer reviews
50 of 50 people found the following review helpful.
Max Weber Redivivus
By Ashtar Command
Until the 14th century, science in the Muslim lands and China was more advanced than in Western Europe. Astronomers in Timurid Iran (of all places!) improved on the Ptolemaic system with epicycles mathematically equivalent to those used by Copernicus much later (although they were still geocentrist). That China was more technologically advanced than Europe still at the time of Marco Polo is well-known. Yet, around the 14th century, science in both the Muslim lands and China went into decline, while the erstwhile little backwater of Western Europe eventually developed modern science.
What went wrong? Or, from a European perspective, what did we do right?
That's the subject of Toby E. Huff's book "The Rise of Early Modern Science". Huff is a British professor who also worked at scholarly institutions in Malaysia (a Muslim nation) and Singapore (a Chinese nation). He writes in the tradition of well-known German sociologist Max Weber, who is most known for his thesis that the ethos of Calvinism somehow gave rise to capitalism. Weber also analyzed other religious traditions and their impact on society. As for Huff, his argument is complex and only a short outline is possible in a review like this. Like the other reviewers, I will concentrate on the chapters dealing with Islam and the West.
Huff doesn't deny that Muslim science was, for centuries, more advanced than European science. Indeed, there was virtually no science at all in the Latin West during the Early Middle Ages. Huff also points out that Muslim science was innovative, the most dramatic example being the previously mentioned astromomical observatory at Maragha in Iran. The eventual decline of Muslim science (except in the field of military technology) cannot therefore be a result of brain drain, lack of innovative thinkers, etc. Something else must be at work here.
What factors could have impeded the rise of modern science in the Muslim caliphates? The author points out that the natural sciences were always seen as "foreign" in the Muslim lands. Many ulama (Muslim scholars) were deeply suspicious of the "foreign" sciences. Muslim jurisprudence, not science, was at the center of Muslim institutions of higher learning. Even Muslim theology (!) was sometimes seen as suspect, since the most conservative ulama feared that it might lead to philosophical reasoning independent of the Quran and the sunna. Eventually, the natural sciences were assimilated with Islam, but as subordinate parts of a largely religious whole. Thus, astronomy was accepted since it could be used to compute the qibla to Mecca, and astronomers became mosque officials. The natural sciences couldn't develop independently.
There were several kinds of colleges in the Muslim world, the madrasas being the most important. However, they didn't function as European universities. The madrasas were religious institutions concentrating on Muslim jurisprudence. Scientific education *did* take place at the madrasas, but not as part of the public curriculum. Rather, instruction in the sciences was given by the teacher in private, often at his own house. A tradition of dissimulation developed, both in regard to science and Greek philosophy. Rather than spreading scientific or philosophical ideas far and wide, they were kept within small, almost esoteric circles. (Jews such as Maimonides had a similar attitude.) Also, instruction at the madrasas was highly personalistic. There was no faculty, and hence no set corporate standards for exams or degrees. Essentially, the student got his degree if and when his personal teacher felt he was ready for it. With the exception of medical science under some rulers, there were no attempts to standardize the degrees over a larger territory.
Huff believes that Muslim society was personalistic and heterogenous. This prevented the rise of the universalist spirit necessary for objective science. In Western Europe, the Roman law was considered binding on all. In the Sunni Muslim lands, there were at least four different schools of jurisprudence, and non-Muslims had their own laws. Since Muslim laws were based on the Quran, the sunna and the consensus among the ulama, innovation was difficult or even prohibited. Since the madrasas concentrated on teaching Muslim law, the ethos of these institutions was one of traditionalism and particularism. It was difficult to develop a universalizing, innovative spirit. Huff further points out that Muslim law didn't recognize corporations as legal persons. A corporate institution with a faculty, such as the European university, couldn't develop under these conditions.
Huff then points out that there was a de facto secular sphere of society in medieval Western Europe, something sadly lacking in the Muslim lands. This secular sphere was created after the investiture conflict, when the papacy and the temporal power had to compromise with each other. Another important factor was the re-discovery of Roman law, which was often seen as secular. The university of Bologna, where Roman law was taught, was purely secular. In the Muslim society, there was no distinction between "church" and state, and hence no neutral space (a central concept for Huff) for potentially subversive scientific exploration and speculation. In Huff's opinion, the Western European universities provided such a neutral space. They were independent corporations, with their own laws and jurisdictions, and some of them were purely secular. Temporal rulers and church authorities did attempt to interfere with the free flow of ideas, to be sure, but the institutionalized independence of the universities made this difficult. Also, high and late medieval society at large was a complex web of guilds, communes, and independent cities, making it well-nigh impossible for a strong, authoritarian center to assume control. In this situation, it was easier for free inquiry to thrive, despite occasional setbacks (the fate of Abelard and Galileo comes to mind). Huff also writes that the science education at European universities was public, rather than secret or semi-secret as in the Muslim territories. Indeed, universities sometimes had lectures open to non-students, at which members of the public at large could ask questions to the professors. This was a far cry from Muslim (or Jewish) esotericism.
Since the author of "The Rise of Early Modern Science" is a Weberian, he naturally believes that religious or ideological factors played an important role in the process. The natural choice would be to contrast Christianity with Islam. However, Huff seems to believe that the crucial ingredient was a rationalist form of Platonism. There was a Platonist renaissance of sorts during the 12th century, and in Huff's opinion it was strongly influenced by Plato's dialogue "Timaeus". From "Timaeus", the philosophers of the Latin West drew the conclusion that the universe is rational, that it follows strict natural laws of cause and effect, and that humans are endowed with a rational mind that can learn to grasp these laws. The analogy between the universe and a machine was used already during the High Middle Ages. Of course, medieval West Europeans still believed that God could miraculously intervene in his creation, as when Jesus was born from a virgin, but this was seen as an entirely different order of events. Under normal circumstances, the universe worked like clock-work according to natural laws graspable by scientific inquiry. Huff also points to the Christian idea of a conscience as a further source of inspiration for the notion that humans have a rational mind, but he admits that Paul might have gotten this idea from popular Platonism. Later, the works of Aristotle would enter the picture as well.
By contrast, Muslim theology was occasionalist. According to this concept, the universe does *not* follow self-contained natural laws created by God at some point in the beginning. Rather, God controls everything directly, from moment to moment. Thus, there is no real causality. That effect necessarily follows cause is an illusion. God wills a certain effect to follow a certain cause at any given moment. He might have willed otherwise. Trying to discover self-contained natural laws (even self-contained natural laws originally created by God) is meaningless. Occasionalism became an insurmountable barrier to modern scientific development in the Middle East.
The Muslims had access to more or less the same empirical facts as the Europeans, as shown by the astronomers of Timurid Iran whose epicycles were mathematically equivalent to those of Copernicus. Indeed, many Muslim libraries were endowed with tens of thousands of books, some of them obviously scientific. Yet, the Muslims never proposed heliocentrism. In Europe, the idea that the natural world wasn't directly dependent on the will of God, but functioned independently, made it possible to propose daring new paradigms such as the Copernican one, even when this seemingly contradicted the literal meaning of Scripture. The neutral space of the universities made it possible for such ideas to get a hearing, especially since education was a public, corporate effort. And since the universities weren't directly controlled by church or state, kings or popes couldn't simply close them down.
In Muslim lands, ulama could issue a fatwa against independent-minded scholars, while a Catholic attempt to stop "heresies" at the university of Paris (the condemnation of 1277) proved ineffectual. The ulama could also mobilize the common man against scholars not of their liking, while universities in Europe were protected by legal privilege from interference by outsiders. In the Latin West, a metaphysical leap to modern science was possible (another central and complex point made by the author), while this proved impossible in the lands of Islam.
"The Rise of Early Modern Science" is well-written, interesting and well-worth pondering. Indeed, I ordered several of the books referenced in the footnotes.
Yet, one question remains. If the Muslims were so bad, how could they develop science for centuries? How was it possible for this non-secular, ulama-ridden, particularistic Muslim society with its wackie jurisprudence to be scientifically leading for 500 years? Indeed, Huff believes that Muslim civilization at its zenith was better even than China!
Why did it work so well for so long? Why did the decline take place during the 14th century? Why not earlier? These are important questions, yet Huff never really answers them. He does suggest some answers in passing, however. One is the ironic observation that science started to decline at the precise moment that it was finally "Islamized". Thus, as long as there was a creative tension between "foreign" science and "Muslim" science, advances were made. The moment "foreign" science became a subordinate part of a non-secular whole, progress stopped. At another point, Huff suggests that al-Ghazali and a 14th century Sufi revival are to blame. However, the theme isn't explored further.
Be that as it may, I give the book four stars.
PS. The chapters on China are, of course, equally interesting.
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Buy This Book
By Paul Clouser
This is an honest, deep, and well footnoted description of why the Middle East and China did not develop the full power of science, philosophy and technology for the full service of mankind like Western Europe did. I read the book as part of my on-going effort to understand what drives Middle Easterners to act the way they do on the World Stage. I learned that after about 1200 AD, Middle Eastern Islamic scholarly denial of the concept of cause and effect made and makes the scientific method null and void for the people of the Middle East. This prevents them from creating for themselves the body and soul enriching fruits of advanced science, philosophy and technology. For reasons predating the Renaissance, Europe had and has no such fear of accepting the scientific method. This includes accepting critical examination of the historical accuracy of Holy Scripture, and also learning in exquisite detail how God runs His Universe. I'm now reading in the book about China.
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Fantastic
By Adam Wayne
This is a magisterial book, pulling together innumerable threads into a coherent, cohesive whole. It is actually a different book than I expected—it spends much more time on the sociology and philosophy of science, in the abstract and as tied to and generated by each society, and much less time on individual scientific inventions and advances. Those do appear, of course, but more by way of illustration than discussion. So if you’re looking for a catalog of inventions, you may be disappointed (though Huff apparently has a later book that is more that), but you’ll probably learn more with this book written the way it is.
The core question Huff’s book attempts to answer is why, given that both the Muslim world and the Chinese were more advanced in raw, technical scientific knowledge at the beginning of the Middle Ages, it was Europe, rather than either Islam or China, that took all the next steps to develop modern science. Huff is not a political writer and this is not a political book. It is closer to a work of applied philosophy. But Huff’s conclusion, that Europe developed modern science and others did not, along with most of the reasons he concludes resulted in this end, is contrary to the dominant multicultural “wisdom.” It’s somewhat surprising a modern academic would come to this conclusion, given the attacks certain to be launched upon him, but it’s certainly refreshing in that Huff’s analysis is completely unbiased. (For the types of attacks made upon Huff, see the 2007 exchange between George Saliba and Huff, available on the Internet, which features Saliba’s total inability or unwillingness to comprehend Huff’s arguments.)
By “modern science,” Huff means not merely “the science we have now,” which would be circular. Instead, he means the application of the changed approach to scientific thinking brought about in Europe by specific new approaches in reasoning, law and religious authority, starting with cosmology (Huff’s main historic and comparative focus) and spreading to all scientific inquiry. He also does not mean “mere” technology, which can develop by iterative tinkering but is not modern science without certain thought patterns, understanding of the principles of the natural world, and institutions and processes that universalize what science does. “The modern scientific worldview rests on certain assumptions about the regularity and lawfulness of the natural world and the presumption that man is capable of grasping the underlying structure.” This is an evolved view, not one universally held, and more specifically one not ever held to any significant degree in Islam or Chinese thought, until those cultures adopted the Western scientific approach whole in recent decades.
To begin, Huff places heavy emphasis on the history and theory of universal application of rational thought, the pivot on which all things in modern science turn. He says explicitly (citing Max Weber, on whom he’s an expert and apparently a disciple) that the West differs from the “Middle East and Asia not just in the successful birthing of modern science, but in its rationalizing pursuit of all forms of thought and action, art and music included. . . . Modern science is but one domain in which we should look for the embodiment of rationality.” This includes rationalization of theology and jurisprudence as well. From this basic focus flows the rest of the book.
The core of Huff’s analysis is to consider what the theology and philosophy of nature of each society, combined with the law and legal systems of each society, implied for the approach to reasoning and rationality of that culture. From that analysis Huff shows how each society’s approach to science results, both directly and as mediated by institutional structures (which are mostly shaped by the same drivers as law and philosophy in that culture). Huff shows how, over time, this resulted in both Islam and China falling short of achieving modern science, while the same drivers resulted in Europe crossing the bridge to modernity.
The first fifty pages of the book are very heavy going. There is a lot of technical sociological analysis of the role of the scientist, the ethos of science, and so on. Huff then begins by considering specifically Arabic science, or more precisely, why it is, given that “from the eighth century to the end of the fourteenth, Arabic science was probably the most advanced science in the world, greatly surpassing the West and China,” in “astronomy, alchemy, mathematics, medicine, optics, and so forth” Arabs (i.e., “Middle Eastern individuals primarily using the Arabic language,” including many non-Muslims) did not take the next step to modern science.
Huff then examines the limitations placed on the study of “natural sciences” (i.e., non-theological sciences) in Islam. Islam as it developed exalted law (fiqh) and denigrated “speculative theology.” “In general, the structure of thought and sentiment in medieval Islam was such that the pursuit of the rational or ancient sciences was widely considered to be a tainted enterprise.” It could have developed otherwise, but it did not. Arithmetic, geometry and astronomy, because they were religiously useful, were partially exempt—but not enough to permit the development of modern science. “Scientific inquiry was generally tolerated [at the margins of intellectual life], even sometimes encouraged by rulers for brief periods of time, but in no case was it officially institutionalized and sanctioned by the intellectual elite of Islam.” This is what Huff calls the “marginality problem.” “Thus within the Muslim world of the late Middle Ages, the utility and usefulnesss of knowledge is narrowly construed to mean knowledge useful in a strictly religious context.”
These limitations in Islam on the natural sciences were only one result of the Muslim approach to rationality in general. As is well-known, after a period of some centuries of philosophical ferment, Islam “closed the gates of ijtihad.” As a result, Islam concluded that no new legal (or religious, for they are essentially the same thing in Islam) principles could be legitimately enunciated. The role of reason and rationality was therefore sharply constrained to interpretation of existing principles, based on the Sunnah, and their application to new problems. Natural sciences were therefore wholly marginalized as suspect due to being outside this structure. Similarly, such newly developed core Western elements as collective bodies with independent rights, a law of civil negligence, rules of evidence, or a modern penal code were made impossible under the now-frozen structures of Islam.
Another hindrance to Islamic rationality, in the sense of reasoning leading to modern science, is particularly fascinating to me. This is a distinction between mainstream Muslim and Christian theology, little known in generalist circles, in the view of how God relates to the physical world. In Islam, the dominant view is variants of the occasionalist/determinist view of Ash’ari and al-Ghazali, “according to which God holds the world together from moment to moment by willing it,” and “there is no necessary connection between what is usually believed to be a cause and what is believed to be an effect.” This undermines the rational, mechanistic view of the natural world necessary for a modern scientific worldview. In the Ash’arite view, “no such thing as natural causality existed. The apparent relation between cause and effect was a delusion of the sense, and all actions and phenomena were immediately caused by the prime cause which was God.” This obviously undermines a rationalist approach to any kind of science. (Related to this is the conclusion that God is bound by no limits—He can be irrational and unjust if he so chooses. In Islam, it is regarded as a heresy that God CANNOT do the unreasonable and unjust, though He chooses not to. In Christianity, God cannot be unreasonable and unjust, any more than He can create a square circle, because it is a contradiction in terms.) The idea that any focus on cause and effect is, at best, nearly heretical, and at worst, an offense worthy of execution, doubtless crimps most scientific minds.
Huff counterpoises this Islamic closing of rational thought, and its prevention of finding a path to the development of new principles of natural or religious philosophy, to the Western reaction, starting in the twelfth century, to the new Greek and Arab learning (much of it gained from their self-confessed “Arab masters”). In Europe, as reason and rationality was being denigrated in Islam, it became exalted in Europe. Effects of this ranged from coming to see nature as “an orderly, integrated whole” (via Plato’s “Timaeus” and more generally widespread acceptance of Platonic rationalism. This was combined with the standard Christian view of man as a morally rational agent capable of and required to making rational choices in the exercise of his conscience (synderesis); “the separation of the miraculous from the forces of nature”; and more generally a new view of the world as a machine. “Most important of all, [Platonic rationalism] established a firm belief in the rational capacity of man to understand and explain nature and, equally important, to interpret and explain the Scriptures.” (This same strong belief in man’s capacity to interpret the Scriptures in a rational way is a key thread of Wilken’s important book, “The Spirit of Early Christian Thought,” which I highly recommend for more details in this area.)
This development in the West was not merely a triumphal march. Huff does not overlook various (ultimately unsuccessful) Western condemnations of what some viewed as overly-naturalistic philosophy, such as those by the Bishop of Paris in 1277. But the ultimate result of all this in the West as far as approach to natural sciences was a new rationality, a new universalism of institutions and thought, and a new approach to science.
Every so often, in passing, Huff explodes common myths. For example, it is commonly believed that the medieval Church was opposed to dissections. Huff shows, in comparing the vastly greater anatomical knowledge and texts of Europeans to the crude and erroneous views of the most advanced Muslim anatomical texts, that this is simply not true (and is true of Muslim religious authorities, who both opposed dissection and resulting drawings of the human anatomy). A converse myth Huff explodes is that Islamic science lacked the scientific method of experimentation—he shows specific experimental traditions in Islam in optics, astronomy and medicine. These did not progress not because Islamic scientists lacked an experimental method, but because the natural sciences and rational exploration generally were denigrated and finally largely suppressed under Islamic law. Finally, Huff notes that the common conception of the “Galileo affair” is simply wrong, and concludes “The eruption of the Galileo affair is thus an anomaly that occurred because of a variety of personal motives, personal vendettas, hubris, and not a little malfeasance.” (Huff himself thinks the greatest threat to the emerging European advance to modern science was instead the 1277 condemnations by the Bishop of Paris, which he mentions in at least three widely separated places in the book.)
Huff also examines the comparative development of European and Islamic legal systems in great detail. As far as Europe, he emphasizes the direct line from twelfth-century accepted centrality of rationality as supreme to the immediate acceptance of Roman law when rediscovered, with its assumption of universalistic application, and the systemization of law as a whole through the efforts of Gratian and others. From this flowed the dialectic of Abelard and similar thinkers and jurists and the creation of an internally coherent corpus of both civil and canon laws, based on rational derivations, rather than, as in Islam, only on the authority of sacred sources. Finally, to draw his analysis toward the point of the book, modern science, Huff shows how in Europe the concept of recognized “collective individual” bodies such as corporations, with their own legal rights, led to the creation of universities as recognized and truly independent bodies for learning and rational thought, and their subsequent creation of modern science. Such bodies were totally lacking in Islam, where the idea of jurisdictional limitations on government actions with respect to collectives as collectives was lacking, and where the closest analogue, madrassas, were nothing like European universities, in that (among other ways), they had no “institutionalization of study of these disciplines [mathematics, astronomy, etc.] in an open and publicly sanctioned fashion.” Nor did they have any universal certification, and they were always subject, under the law of waqf, as charitable trusts, to the domination and control of their founders.
After what is an intellectually bracing, if exhausting, comparative analysis of Islam and the West, Huff turns to a similar, but briefer, comparison of China and the West. Here, he focuses a great deal on Joseph Needham’s works on Chinese science (and China in general). Huff concludes, in essence, that while China had a great deal of tinkering-type technological competence in science, China was far, far behind both Islam and Europe in any kind of modern science. The Chinese did not even have a geometric cosmological model, and employed Muslim astronomers to get accurate astronomical readings for purely astrological, not scientific, ends. The Chinese had plenty of exposure to Muslim science, but declined to take it up. Chinese bureaucracy, Confucian focus on the mythical exemplary past, emperor supremacy, and the mandarin system offered no incentives for either the centrality of rational thought and dialectic, universal legal principles, or experimental scientific inquiry on abstract principles. (Huff also notes that the supposed meritocracy of the mandarin system, which anyway mostly focused not on useful knowledge but uniformity, rote memorization of Confucian classics and regurgitation of stale poetic forms, actually was false, because more than half of the mandarin class was exempt, through “yin privilege,” from the examination system through family or other connections.)
Huff goes further, though, and spends an entire chapter criticizing the impact of Chinese modes of thought for their negative impact on the development of modern science. In Huff’s view, things like yang-yin polarity, rote learning for the mandarin examinations, cut-and-paste writing resulting in bizarre and useless organization of writings, and confining of astronomy to astrology (and that to a state secret, for it revealed the heavens’ favor or disfavor with the emperor), irrevocably crippled China’s ability to achieve modern science.
It’s possible that Huff’s entire analysis is open to criticism. But after reading the book, the reader is overwhelmed by the erudition, to a degree that Huff seems to have definitively proved his case. Maybe he has. Certainly, having read some of his critics, I think none seem to even make headway toward a rebuttal. Either way, a reader who pays close attention and thinks as he reads will come away much better informed about many critical topics.
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