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Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America's Second Wave, by Benita Roth
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This book is about the development of white women's liberation, black feminism and Chicana feminism in the 1960s and 1970s, the era known as the "second wave" of U.S. feminist protest. Benita Roth explores the ways that feminist movements emerged from the Civil Rights/Black Liberation movement, the Chicano movement, and the white left, and the processes that supported political organizing decisions made by feminists. She traces the effects that inequality had on the possibilities for feminist unity and explores how ideas common to the left influenced feminist organizing.
- Sales Rank: #651181 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 2003-11-24
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .63" w x 5.98" l, .95 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 288 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Her capacity to problematize widely accepted approaches to the study of the second wave enables us to see that field anew." Tim Hodgdon, Duke University, H-Net
“Roth has written an impressive book that makes a strong contribution to the growing literature on U.S. feminism.” -Lisa Sun-Hee Park, UC San Diego
“In Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in American's Second Wave, Benita Roth performs the important task of rereading second-wave feminism from an intersectional (race-class-gender) perspective... I highly recommend Separate Roads to Feminism.” -Patricia Richards, University of Georgia
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A FASCINATING STUDY/CONTRAST OF THREE DIFFERENT “FEMINISMS”
By Steven H Propp
Benita Roth is a professor of Sociology and Women’s Studies at the State University of New York, Binghamton.
She wrote in the Preface to this 2004 book, “How and why feminist movements emerged in the ‘second wave’ of American feminism is the subject of this book. My interest in this subject was prompted by lacunae in the literature on feminists of color in the second wave, but also by personal experiences… Why were there organizationally distinct feminisms in the late 1970s and early 1980s, largely organized along racial/ethnic lines? What led to the development of feminisms, when there was at least some agreement about feminist issues?... in this work I argue for understanding the historical development of second-wave feminsms as shaped at its core by dynamics of race/ethnicity and class among feminists. I argue that we need to understand that these dynamics were not solely about interpersonal interactions but also about the overall structure of the social movement sector, that is, the intermovement political field of the era, and about the overall structure of inequality in the United States.” (Pg. xi-xii)
She continues, “In this book, I argue that the second wave has to be understood as a group of feminisms, movements made by activist women that were largely organizationally distinct from one another, and from the beginning, largely organized along race/ethnic lines. In other words, there were more than two twinned social bases of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s; feminisms were articulated in diverse political communities… I trace the emergence and early development of Black, Chicana, and white feminist movements on the left during the second wave… I selected Black, Chicana, and white feminisms for study because of the timing of their emergences, the multistate scale of their organizing, and the kinds of connections and cleavages that existed on the ground between feminists from these communities.” (Pg. 3)
She adds, “I have two main concerns in this work. First… I document the articulation of feminisms in diverse communities. Recognition of feminist organizing in different communities allows us to ask questions about who came to feminism, how they came to feminism, and how feminism was done in different social spaces. Charting the organization of feminists of color also requires that we acknowledge that self-identified feminist activism is a political choice among other choices for empowering action that women can take for their communities. Second, I look at feminist emergences explored here as stories about the connections and cleavages between feminist movements, of the relationships between differently situated feminists, and the complicated movement dynamics that militated against these relationships.” (Pg. 4)
She explains, “I argue that a more fruitful approach for understanding the emergence of racial/ethnic feminisms lies in understanding that some women of color who were activists began organizing as feminists when some white women who were activists did, in the late 1960s, during a time of heightened popular protest, and that as organizationally distinct movements, these feminisms proliferated, related to each other, cooperated, and competed. Feminists of color saw themselves as belonging to a different movement than white feminists did, a self-perception that should be taken seriously; understanding why they saw themselves as different requires taking a feminist intersectional approach to the matter of oppressions.” (Pg. 10-11)
She points out, “Class inequality together with racial/ethnic inequality affected the potential for feminist solidarity across racial/ethnic lines because African American and Chicana feminists had white women in mind as their reference group, and thus did not see them as natural allies in the struggle for gender, racial/ethnic, and economic justice.” (Pg. 45)
She comments, “Black women did hold ambivalent attitudes toward white women’s liberation as an organized movement, although… their general hostility to feminist issues has been greatly exaggerated… In mainstream accounts, Black women’s ambivalence to feminism became a kind of trope, such that Black women hostile to feminism were always quoted alone with the view of well known ‘liberal’ feminist… In fact, the ambivalence of Black activist women toward organized white feminism was just that: a hesitancy to work with white women exclusively on gender (and not race, and not class) oppression.” (Pg. 98-99)
She observes, “Like their Black activists sisters, Chicanas were asked to take supportive roles in order to preserve Chicano culture and family roles, as emerging ‘Anglo’ feminism was construed to be a threat to the integrity of the Chicano community. Emerging Chicana feminists constructed counterarguments to the idea that feminism was not relevant to, or came from outside, their community. They argued that Chicanas and Mexican women in Mexico had a long tradition of social activism, and that only a gender egalitarian and politicized Chicano family could challenge Anglo domination effectively.” (Pg. 131)
She adds, “Chicana feminism … mobilized in a movement landscape that both shaped the arguments they made for feminism and that allowed them to stay linked to other Chicano activists in mixed-gender groups.” (Pg. 132) She also notes, “Chicana feminists challenged the idea that cultural preservation entailed their submission to male leadership, in part by presenting themselves as supportive of the family, and not at all hostile to men. In fact, early Chicana feminist organizing was characterized by the express desire to stay linked to men and to existing Chicano organizations while promoting a greater role for women in service to the Chicano cause.” (Pg. 139)
She acknowledges, “Chicana feminists encountered a masculinist bias against women’s full participation in the movement that was case as an internal problem. They saw their organizing as necessary in order to counter the effects that machismo had on their activism and on their lives; feminism as such was therefore not a mandate to leave the movement and join up with the white (or, for that matter, Black) feminists.” (Pg. 150) She summarizes, “Chicana feminists… saw themselves as the latest incarnation in a long history of nationalist struggle by Chicanas, and saw gender egalitarianism as a way to make the Chicano political family more effective in the struggle… Chicana feminists ultimately chose to organize in ways that brought them close to the Chicano movement.” (Pg. 176)
She comments, “white women’s groups desperately wanted women of color to join them. But gender universalism did lead to the neglect of issues raised by racial/ethnic feminists regarding racist domination. By asserting the universalist nature of gender oppression, white women’s liberationists would actually focus politically on what Black and Chicana feminists saw as exclusionary political goals.” (Pg. 195-196)
She concludes, “organizing within oppositional political milieus was never simply a question of feminists coopting resources and splitting off from parent movements… White women’s liberationists worked to separate themselves from a … fragmenting white Left, but nonetheless saw themselves as leftists; Black feminists organized in a neotraditionalized, increasingly militant Black movement… but did not want to further enervate their movement; and Chicana feminists worked for changes to the Chicano movement as a whole even as they organized new Chicana-led groups… All of these factors combined structured second-wave feminisms on the left along racial/ethnic lines.” (Pg. 214-215)
This is a highly informative book about a subject that is not often discussed. It will be of great interest to feminists of all varieties, as well as those studying Black Studies, Chicano Studies, Women’s Studies, etc.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A FASCINATING STUDY/CONTRAST OF THREE DIFFERENT “FEMINISMS”
By Steven H Propp
Benita Roth is a professor of Sociology and Women’s Studies at the State University of New York, Binghamton.
She wrote in the Preface to this 2004 book, “How and why feminist movements emerged in the ‘second wave’ of American feminism is the subject of this book. My interest in this subject was prompted by lacunae in the literature on feminists of color in the second wave, but also by personal experiences… Why were there organizationally distinct feminisms in the late 1970s and early 1980s, largely organized along racial/ethnic lines? What led to the development of feminisms, when there was at least some agreement about feminist issues?... in this work I argue for understanding the historical development of second-wave feminsms as shaped at its core by dynamics of race/ethnicity and class among feminists. I argue that we need to understand that these dynamics were not solely about interpersonal interactions but also about the overall structure of the social movement sector, that is, the intermovement political field of the era, and about the overall structure of inequality in the United States.” (Pg. xi-xii)
She continues, “In this book, I argue that the second wave has to be understood as a group of feminisms, movements made by activist women that were largely organizationally distinct from one another, and from the beginning, largely organized along race/ethnic lines. In other words, there were more than two twinned social bases of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s; feminisms were articulated in diverse political communities… I trace the emergence and early development of Black, Chicana, and white feminist movements on the left during the second wave… I selected Black, Chicana, and white feminisms for study because of the timing of their emergences, the multistate scale of their organizing, and the kinds of connections and cleavages that existed on the ground between feminists from these communities.” (Pg. 3)
She adds, “I have two main concerns in this work. First… I document the articulation of feminisms in diverse communities. Recognition of feminist organizing in different communities allows us to ask questions about who came to feminism, how they came to feminism, and how feminism was done in different social spaces. Charting the organization of feminists of color also requires that we acknowledge that self-identified feminist activism is a political choice among other choices for empowering action that women can take for their communities. Second, I look at feminist emergences explored here as stories about the connections and cleavages between feminist movements, of the relationships between differently situated feminists, and the complicated movement dynamics that militated against these relationships.” (Pg. 4)
She explains, “I argue that a more fruitful approach for understanding the emergence of racial/ethnic feminisms lies in understanding that some women of color who were activists began organizing as feminists when some white women who were activists did, in the late 1960s, during a time of heightened popular protest, and that as organizationally distinct movements, these feminisms proliferated, related to each other, cooperated, and competed. Feminists of color saw themselves as belonging to a different movement than white feminists did, a self-perception that should be taken seriously; understanding why they saw themselves as different requires taking a feminist intersectional approach to the matter of oppressions.” (Pg. 10-11)
She points out, “Class inequality together with racial/ethnic inequality affected the potential for feminist solidarity across racial/ethnic lines because African American and Chicana feminists had white women in mind as their reference group, and thus did not see them as natural allies in the struggle for gender, racial/ethnic, and economic justice.” (Pg. 45)
She comments, “Black women did hold ambivalent attitudes toward white women’s liberation as an organized movement, although… their general hostility to feminist issues has been greatly exaggerated… In mainstream accounts, Black women’s ambivalence to feminism became a kind of trope, such that Black women hostile to feminism were always quoted alone with the view of well known ‘liberal’ feminist… In fact, the ambivalence of Black activist women toward organized white feminism was just that: a hesitancy to work with white women exclusively on gender (and not race, and not class) oppression.” (Pg. 98-99)
She observes, “Like their Black activists sisters, Chicanas were asked to take supportive roles in order to preserve Chicano culture and family roles, as emerging ‘Anglo’ feminism was construed to be a threat to the integrity of the Chicano community. Emerging Chicana feminists constructed counterarguments to the idea that feminism was not relevant to, or came from outside, their community. They argued that Chicanas and Mexican women in Mexico had a long tradition of social activism, and that only a gender egalitarian and politicized Chicano family could challenge Anglo domination effectively.” (Pg. 131)
She adds, “Chicana feminism … mobilized in a movement landscape that both shaped the arguments they made for feminism and that allowed them to stay linked to other Chicano activists in mixed-gender groups.” (Pg. 132) She also notes, “Chicana feminists challenged the idea that cultural preservation entailed their submission to male leadership, in part by presenting themselves as supportive of the family, and not at all hostile to men. In fact, early Chicana feminist organizing was characterized by the express desire to stay linked to men and to existing Chicano organizations while promoting a greater role for women in service to the Chicano cause.” (Pg. 139)
She acknowledges, “Chicana feminists encountered a masculinist bias against women’s full participation in the movement that was case as an internal problem. They saw their organizing as necessary in order to counter the effects that machismo had on their activism and on their lives; feminism as such was therefore not a mandate to leave the movement and join up with the white (or, for that matter, Black) feminists.” (Pg. 150) She summarizes, “Chicana feminists… saw themselves as the latest incarnation in a long history of nationalist struggle by Chicanas, and saw gender egalitarianism as a way to make the Chicano political family more effective in the struggle… Chicana feminists ultimately chose to organize in ways that brought them close to the Chicano movement.” (Pg. 176)
She comments, “white women’s groups desperately wanted women of color to join them. But gender universalism did lead to the neglect of issues raised by racial/ethnic feminists regarding racist domination. By asserting the universalist nature of gender oppression, white women’s liberationists would actually focus politically on what Black and Chicana feminists saw as exclusionary political goals.” (Pg. 195-196)
She concludes, “organizing within oppositional political milieus was never simply a question of feminists coopting resources and splitting off from parent movements… White women’s liberationists worked to separate themselves from a … fragmenting white Left, but nonetheless saw themselves as leftists; Black feminists organized in a neotraditionalized, increasingly militant Black movement… but did not want to further enervate their movement; and Chicana feminists worked for changes to the Chicano movement as a whole even as they organized new Chicana-led groups… All of these factors combined structured second-wave feminisms on the left along racial/ethnic lines.” (Pg. 214-215)
This is a highly informative book about a subject that is not often discussed. It will be of great interest to feminists of all varieties, as well as those studying Black Studies, Chicano Studies, Women’s Studies, etc.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A FASCINATING STUDY/CONTRAST OF THREE DIFFERENT “FEMINISMS”
By Steven H Propp
Benita Roth is a professor of Sociology and Women’s Studies at the State University of New York, Binghamton.
She wrote in the Preface to this 2004 book, “How and why feminist movements emerged in the ‘second wave’ of American feminism is the subject of this book. My interest in this subject was prompted by lacunae in the literature on feminists of color in the second wave, but also by personal experiences… Why were there organizationally distinct feminisms in the late 1970s and early 1980s, largely organized along racial/ethnic lines? What led to the development of feminisms, when there was at least some agreement about feminist issues?... in this work I argue for understanding the historical development of second-wave feminsms as shaped at its core by dynamics of race/ethnicity and class among feminists. I argue that we need to understand that these dynamics were not solely about interpersonal interactions but also about the overall structure of the social movement sector, that is, the intermovement political field of the era, and about the overall structure of inequality in the United States.” (Pg. xi-xii)
She continues, “In this book, I argue that the second wave has to be understood as a group of feminisms, movements made by activist women that were largely organizationally distinct from one another, and from the beginning, largely organized along race/ethnic lines. In other words, there were more than two twinned social bases of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s; feminisms were articulated in diverse political communities… I trace the emergence and early development of Black, Chicana, and white feminist movements on the left during the second wave… I selected Black, Chicana, and white feminisms for study because of the timing of their emergences, the multistate scale of their organizing, and the kinds of connections and cleavages that existed on the ground between feminists from these communities.” (Pg. 3)
She adds, “I have two main concerns in this work. First… I document the articulation of feminisms in diverse communities. Recognition of feminist organizing in different communities allows us to ask questions about who came to feminism, how they came to feminism, and how feminism was done in different social spaces. Charting the organization of feminists of color also requires that we acknowledge that self-identified feminist activism is a political choice among other choices for empowering action that women can take for their communities. Second, I look at feminist emergences explored here as stories about the connections and cleavages between feminist movements, of the relationships between differently situated feminists, and the complicated movement dynamics that militated against these relationships.” (Pg. 4)
She explains, “I argue that a more fruitful approach for understanding the emergence of racial/ethnic feminisms lies in understanding that some women of color who were activists began organizing as feminists when some white women who were activists did, in the late 1960s, during a time of heightened popular protest, and that as organizationally distinct movements, these feminisms proliferated, related to each other, cooperated, and competed. Feminists of color saw themselves as belonging to a different movement than white feminists did, a self-perception that should be taken seriously; understanding why they saw themselves as different requires taking a feminist intersectional approach to the matter of oppressions.” (Pg. 10-11)
She points out, “Class inequality together with racial/ethnic inequality affected the potential for feminist solidarity across racial/ethnic lines because African American and Chicana feminists had white women in mind as their reference group, and thus did not see them as natural allies in the struggle for gender, racial/ethnic, and economic justice.” (Pg. 45)
She comments, “Black women did hold ambivalent attitudes toward white women’s liberation as an organized movement, although… their general hostility to feminist issues has been greatly exaggerated… In mainstream accounts, Black women’s ambivalence to feminism became a kind of trope, such that Black women hostile to feminism were always quoted alone with the view of well known ‘liberal’ feminist… In fact, the ambivalence of Black activist women toward organized white feminism was just that: a hesitancy to work with white women exclusively on gender (and not race, and not class) oppression.” (Pg. 98-99)
She observes, “Like their Black activists sisters, Chicanas were asked to take supportive roles in order to preserve Chicano culture and family roles, as emerging ‘Anglo’ feminism was construed to be a threat to the integrity of the Chicano community. Emerging Chicana feminists constructed counterarguments to the idea that feminism was not relevant to, or came from outside, their community. They argued that Chicanas and Mexican women in Mexico had a long tradition of social activism, and that only a gender egalitarian and politicized Chicano family could challenge Anglo domination effectively.” (Pg. 131)
She adds, “Chicana feminism … mobilized in a movement landscape that both shaped the arguments they made for feminism and that allowed them to stay linked to other Chicano activists in mixed-gender groups.” (Pg. 132) She also notes, “Chicana feminists challenged the idea that cultural preservation entailed their submission to male leadership, in part by presenting themselves as supportive of the family, and not at all hostile to men. In fact, early Chicana feminist organizing was characterized by the express desire to stay linked to men and to existing Chicano organizations while promoting a greater role for women in service to the Chicano cause.” (Pg. 139)
She acknowledges, “Chicana feminists encountered a masculinist bias against women’s full participation in the movement that was case as an internal problem. They saw their organizing as necessary in order to counter the effects that machismo had on their activism and on their lives; feminism as such was therefore not a mandate to leave the movement and join up with the white (or, for that matter, Black) feminists.” (Pg. 150) She summarizes, “Chicana feminists… saw themselves as the latest incarnation in a long history of nationalist struggle by Chicanas, and saw gender egalitarianism as a way to make the Chicano political family more effective in the struggle… Chicana feminists ultimately chose to organize in ways that brought them close to the Chicano movement.” (Pg. 176)
She comments, “white women’s groups desperately wanted women of color to join them. But gender universalism did lead to the neglect of issues raised by racial/ethnic feminists regarding racist domination. By asserting the universalist nature of gender oppression, white women’s liberationists would actually focus politically on what Black and Chicana feminists saw as exclusionary political goals.” (Pg. 195-196)
She concludes, “organizing within oppositional political milieus was never simply a question of feminists coopting resources and splitting off from parent movements… White women’s liberationists worked to separate themselves from a … fragmenting white Left, but nonetheless saw themselves as leftists; Black feminists organized in a neotraditionalized, increasingly militant Black movement… but did not want to further enervate their movement; and Chicana feminists worked for changes to the Chicano movement as a whole even as they organized new Chicana-led groups… All of these factors combined structured second-wave feminisms on the left along racial/ethnic lines.” (Pg. 214-215)
This is a highly informative book about a subject that is not often discussed. It will be of great interest to feminists of all varieties, as well as those studying Black Studies, Chicano Studies, Women’s Studies, etc.
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