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Blending fine-grained case studies with overarching theory, this book seeks both to integrate Southeast Asia into world history and to rethink much of Eurasia's premodern past. It argues that Southeast Asia, Europe, Japan, China, and South Asia all embodied idiosyncratic versions of a Eurasian-wide pattern whereby local isolates cohered to form ever larger, more stable, more complex political and cultural systems. With accelerating force, climatic, commercial, and military stimuli joined to produce patterns of linear-cum-cyclic construction that became remarkably synchronized even between regions that had no contact with one another. Yet this study also distinguishes between two zones of integration, one where indigenous groups remained in control and a second where agency gravitated to external conquest elites. Here, then, is a fundamentally original view of Eurasia during a 1,000-year period that speaks to both historians of individual regions and those interested in global trends.
- Sales Rank: #1507137 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 2009-10-30
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x 2.17" w x 5.98" l, 3.09 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 976 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Lieberman's book... is extremely well thought out, and the thesis is first-rate.... Every serious scholar of history would do well to have this book on his or her shelf." - Michael Laver, Rochester Institute of Technology, Canadian Journal of History
About the Author
Both a specialist in precolonial Burma and a comparativist interested in global patterns, Victor Lieberman graduated first in his class from Yale University and obtained his doctorate from the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London. His publications include Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c.1580-1760, which won the Harry J. Benda Prize from the Association for Asian Studies; Beyond Binary Histories: Re-Imagining Eurasia to c.1830, which he edited and an earlier version of which appeared as a special issue of Modern Asian Studies devoted to Lieberman's scholarship; and Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c.800-1830, Volume 1: Integration on the Mainland, which won the World History Association Book Prize. He is the Marvin B. Becker Collegiate Professor of History and Professor of Southeast Asian History at the University of Michigan.
Most helpful customer reviews
14 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Remarkable Synthesis; 5+ Stars
By R. Albin
Disclosure: Prof. Lieberman and I are friends. I had the privilege of reading the manuscript of this book prior to publication.
In this outstanding book, Victor Lieberman presents a framework for thinking about Eurasian history across almost 2 millennia. The periodization essentially begins after the formation of relatively large, relatively powerful empires in the Mediterranean, China, and India around the first millennium of the Common Era. It terminates with the 19th century globalization that occurred under European hegemony. Lieberman's focus is state formation, though this term fails completely to capture his rich integration of political, social, religious, and economic history. This book is also a rigorous and creative extension of volume 1 of this pair of books, which focused on mainland Southeast Asia, specifically the history of societies that evolved into modern Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam.
In volume 1 of Strange Parallels, Lieberman developed a fascinating and cogent model of state formation and development. Each state began with a "charter polity" drawing basic inspiration from an earlier, powerful center of civilization. In mainland Southeast Asia, the charter polities were inspired by Indic civilizations and China in the first millennium. These charter polities grow and then decline. The charter polities were followed by a series of successor states of increasing power and degree of social integration with the interregna between states becoming shorter and shorter. This model is now extended across Eurasia. As examples of this process, Lieberman focuses on France, Russia, and Japan. The French charter polity is the Frankish/Carolingian state whose inspiration was Imperial Rome and Russian charter polity is the Kievan state inspired by the Byzantine Empire. In a pair of outstanding chapters, Lieberman traces the development of the French and Russian states. He shows very well that the overall pattern of state development and collapse/reinvigoration is analogous to events in mainland Southeast Asia. French and Russian history exhibit similar overall patterns of increasing state power, vertical and horizontal social integration, expanding literacy and cultural uniformity, relative homogenization of religious practice (often accompanied by relative subordination of religion to the state), and expanding domestic and international market participation. As with mainland Southeast Asia, interregna between states become shorter and shorter, presumably a reflection of the increasing human capital produced by the increasing complexity of states and societies. Lieberman is very careful not to force events into conformation with his model. He is very clear on important differences between these societies, the contingent nature of events, and that increasing power and complexity of states is a relative phenomenon. His thoughtful narrative and analyses are very convincing.
Remarkably, this overall pattern is not only qualitatively similar across Western Europe, Russia, and mainland Southeast Asia but also chronologically coordinated to a surprising degree. The flourishing of charter polities and their successors occurs in approximately the same centuries. The periods of decline are also similar. The European "Waning of the Middle Ages" that begins in the 14th century is paralleled by similar events in Russia and mainland Southeast Asia. Climate change, such as the beginning and end of the Medieval warm period, may be a major actor. The Little Ice Age of the 17th century may be another example. Lieberman provides a great deal of sophisticated discussion about the question of synchronization and complex possible interactions between climate, social changes, the role of international trade, and other factors. For example, the globalization of trade in the early modern period resulted in massive flows of silver from Japan and the Americas across Eurasia, and particularly to China. The resulting monetarization boosted economic activity and state power across Eurasia, though also generating some stresses due to the rapidity of social and economic changes.
There is also a very interesting discussion of Japanese history. As with the other societies discussed, Lieberman argues well for his basic model of charter polity and increasingly vigorous successor states with shorter interregna. The timing here, however, is somewhat different, at least until the early modern period where some synchronization with other Eurasian societies occurs. Lieberman suggests that climate trends in Japan were different than in mainland Eurasia, and if correct, Japanese history provides an important exception that proves the rule to his model for synchronization of state-social development across Eurasia.
In a second major conceptual innovation, Lieberman divides Eurasia into 2 major zones; the protected zone and the exposed zone. The latter includes China, India, Southwest Asia (roughly the Iranian plateau, the Middle East as we usually use the term, and Anatolia). These regions were "exposed" by virtue of direct, continuous, and crucial interactions with the pastoral peoples of Inner Asia, the vast sea of steppe and grassland from Manchuria to the Carpathians. The direct influence of Inner Asian peoples on China, India, Iran, Anatolia, and surrounding regions constitutes a decisive difference between the exposed zone and the protected zone. The latter encompasses the wide range of regions-polities geographically insulated from Inner Asian peoples, including Japan, mainland Southeast Asia, Island Southeast Asia, and Europe. Lieberman argues for his basic model of state-social articulation for the exposed zone societies but with crucial differences imposed by the effects of conflict and interactions with Inner Asian peoples. These interactions have considerable power in explaining the different trajectories of Chinese and Indian history, and the histories of protected zone societies. For example, in India, the periodic irruption and conquest of Indian states by Inner Asians had 2 major and interesting effects. Inner Asian dominated empires probably prevented the development of a European-style indigenous state system. At the same time, Inner Asian domination of India and the existence of powerful traditions associated with the Persian-Islamic cultural patrimony precluded the development of something like the Qing state where the Manchus had to adopt Chinese models to govern.
Lieberman extends his model of the protected - exposed zone in a particularly interesting way to deal with the effects of Europeans in early modern India and island Southeast Asia. He argues well that in important respects Europeans were the logical equivalent of Inner Asians in India in terms of their impact on political and social development in India. In island Southeast Asia, European imperialism transformed a protected zone into an exposed zone.
Like volume 1, this book is a pleasure to read and is based on a remarkably comprehensive exploration of the historical literature. My brief review can't do justice to the rich nature of the narrative and analysis. The individual chapters on France, Russia, Japan, China, etc., are outstanding overviews. It can be read very profitably as a stand alone book, though I recommend reading volume 1 first. I predict that this book will be regarded as a landmark in comparative history.
Review Addendum 10/17/12: Volumes 1&2 of Strange Parallels were just the subject of a featured review in the American Historical Review, the flagship historical journal in the USA. The reviewer, Tonio Andrade, describes Strange Parallels as "the most important work of history produced so far this century." I agree.
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Great work of history
By E. N. Anderson
This is a book that should be read by everyone interested in world history. Admittedly, a thousand pages of truly academic prose are a bit daunting, but Lieberman leaves more "accessible" pop historians like Jared Diamond and Ian Morris totally in the dust. There is simply no comparison. For one thing, Lieberman seems to have read everything in the world. I am willing to let him know far more than I do about Southeast Asia, his specialty area, but he also knows far more than I do--and is far more analytic about--China, the nearest thing I have to an area of expertise.
This two-volume series began with the recognition that Europe and southeast Asia had many "strange parallels" in development over the last two or three thousand years: development of culturally unified states over time; rationalization of markets, polity, military, and bureaucracy; and much more. Lieberman needed to explain these. Climate subjected all of Eurasia to similar stresses: the Medieval Warm period, the Little Ice Age, and so on. Growth and development forced rationalization. Elites encouraged emulation of their languages and cultures. International sea trade and land war evened out the Eurasian picture. Things like firearms spread fast and forced accommodation; once firearms were common in war, everyone had to adopt them (complete with factories to make them in) or perish.
There is no hope of summarizing the whole 1700-page set, so I will confine myself to a few trivial criticisms. The main one is that Lieberman doesn't clearly pick out really important causes as opposed to dubious ones. He is rather prone to accept debatable cultural abstractions like the "industrious revolution" and the "disciplinary revolution" that supposedly made Europeans work harder as modernization progressed. Having spent a good deal of my life living with traditional peoples described as "lazy" and "backward," and finding that they worked fantastically hard and were incredibly skilled and knowledgeable, I find these "revolutions" impossible to take very seriously. The idea of medieval Europeans as hairy barbarians who when not scratching their fleas were lying in a drunken stupor just doesn't work. All medieval literature confirms that they worked and endured self-discipline just as much as we do, if not a good deal more. Another question concerns the role of military pressure. Lieberman thinks military pressure forces states to develop or at least rationalize, raise more revenues, and generally modernize. Well, yes, but he is also aware that too much military pressure merely wipes everything out and makes development very difficult indeed. The question of what is the right kind and amount of military pressure then concerns us. I suspect military pressure does indeed force development, but has more costs than benefits and is a minor factor in these issues. Conversely, Lieberman flags international trade as only one of the many variables he considers. I tend to agree with many others that trade is critical--perhaps the most important variable. Finally, climate and environment create broad undifferentiated stresses but do not determine the response; people have to be creative, and that pulls them in various directions, depending on what they create. Then the burden of explanation falls on their cultural and personal talents, not just on the climate.
These asides notwithstanding, this is a great book.
7 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Splendid comparative history
By César González Rouco
Given that the synopsis of the book provided by the " " plus "Book Description" is fairly accurate, I will only point out that Lieberman has written an impressive work of great importance in the field of the history of World History. Lieberman finds common cycles of administrative integration and disintegration that were increasingly synchronized over time. Although he does not give a single-factor explanation for this synchronization, his model provides a common vocabulary for political, economic, and cultural analysis that can inspire all comparative world historians. To make his case for the strange parallels Lieberman seems to have read everything. The meticulously documented argument is daunting. For a single individual, it is a massive synthesis. It deserves to be highly recommended. However, I recognize that, because of the author's style, the book is often somehow dry, not engaging: certainly it will not become a best-seller. So my rate is between 5 (content) and 3 (pleasure).
I will also suggest reading the following books (whose scope is amazingly global) in addition to Lieberman's splendid work: 1) Economy: 1.1 "Power and Plenty: Trade, War, and the World Economy in the Second Millennium" by Ronald Findlay and Kevin H. O'Rourke; 1.2 and 1.3: "The world economy. A millennial perspective" (2001) plus "The world economy: Historical Statistics" (2003) by Angus Maddison (a combined edition of these two volumes appeared on December 2007); 2) Agrarian cultures: "Pre-industrial societies" by Patricia Crone; 3) Government: "The History of Government" by S.E. Finer; 4) Ideas: "Ideas, a History from Fire to Freud", by Peter Watson; 5) Political Thought: 5.1. and 5.2: "The West and Islam. Religion and Political Thought in World History" plus "A World History of Ancient Political Thought" by Antony Black; 6) Religion: "The Phenomenon of Religion: A Thematic Approach" by Moojan Momen; and 7) War: "War in Human Civilization" by Azar Gat.
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